396 Pages
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Nepal, Zone of Peace


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396 Pages


Can Nepal stand apart from the turbulence of the modern world and develop politically and economically by transforming itself into a Zone of Peace? This book offers a comprehensive analysis of the question as neighboring Asian giants India and China make the region ever more important.



Published by
Published 01 May 2011
Reads 174
EAN13 9782296461796
Language English
Document size 3 MB

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Nepal, Zone of Peace A Revised Concept for the Constitution
ôDiplomacy and Strategyó English Series Directors: Fouad Nohra and Michael J. Strauss
Diplomacy and Strategy is a collection initiated by the academic directorate of the Centre d’Etudes Diplomatiques et Stratégiques to promote the outstanding scientific work presented by Ph.D. graduates, professors and researchers. The scope of subjects covered is as wide as international relations itself, encompassing disciplines such as political science, economic science, international law and sociology.
STRAUSS Michael J.,The viability of territorial international sovereignty disputes,2010.
leases in resolving
Isabelle Duquesne
Nepal, Zone of Peace A Revised Concept for the Constitution
© LõHarmattan, 2011 5-7, rue de lõEcole-Polytechnique, 75005 Paris
http://www.librairieharmattan.com diffusion.harmattan@wanadoo.fr harmattan1@wanadoo.fr
ISBN :978-2-296-54948-7 EAN : 9782296549487
This book is dedicated to the People of Nepal, particularly the last three generations that have lived immense upheavals in a race towards freedom from feudalistic structures, redress from poverty and entry into globalness. Their efforts often seem without reward, yet I believe that none have gone lost and that a fortunate renewal of the nation within a democratic agenda is possible – if it is based on peace.
These pages hope to honor the 13,000 Nepali women, men and children of all ideologies, religions, castes, communities and occupations who, victims of both courage and folly, died in an internal conflict that captured the fears and the hopes of the nation. A fundamental change was overdue in Nepal, yet socio-political forces, times rivals, times allies, could not combine towards a non-violent transformation. This is a recurring phenomenon at times preceding a large social change: those calling for a new order often prevent it from happening, as do those who force it through violence, or those who sit on the fence, marginalized, disempowered, bound by inertia.
The People of Nepal deserve a winning breakthrough, the establishment of a peaceful society, a fair State, a stable rule of law, and the transformation of financial aid into sustainable local, regional and national economies. The comprehensive answer to Nepal’s challenges today can only be uniquely Nepali, based on a constitution that reflects the aspirations of a federation of over 100 indigenous nationalities, vocal political parties, a new generation of entrepreneurs and a vibrant civil society. Nepal today has three generations of change agents, politicized thinkers and courageous citizens, but also millions in need. The violence of the insurgency must be condemned. Was there really no alternative to bring about change? And if there had been one, would the Nepali people have chosen it? This hypothetical question will remain unanswered. History tends to honor revolutions everywhere, probably because evolution, following a kinder pace, is easily diverted and dominated by the elites.
What is significant now is that it is possible to choose peace, in reverence to the dead, to the living victims that are in need of healing today, to the previous generations that lived through bondage, and to the fulfillment of the democratic promise. It is possible to choose evolution, change management and continuous strategic improvement, and apply systems that see to fairer distribution. The means are now available. It is a question of choice, of commitment.
My acknowledgments for preparing the text go to Melinda Lies, who proofread the manuscript when it was a PhD thesis. As the thesis became material for publication, my gratitude goes to Michael Strauss, who edited the present work. My acknowledgments in Nepal go to: The Bhandari family, who welcomed me like a sister many a time; Om, Priti and C. M. Yogi and their family, who took me in with open arms; Balananda Sharma; the late Laxman Aryal; the late Saubhagya Shah; Bhimarjun Acharya; Dev Raj Dahal; Manish Thapa; Ram Thapa; Amar Gautam; Madan Kumar Bhattarai; Nirajan Basnyat; Mohan Shrestha; Chakra Bahadur Shanker; Lalan Chaudary; Deo Kumar Limbu; Arjun Limbu; Man Bahadur Bk; Bishal Khanal; Bishnu Rimal; Mukti Rijal; Kashiraj Pandey; Daman Nath Dhungana; Padma Ratna Tuladhar; Bishnu Sapkota; Rabindra Khanal; Subas K. C. and Joyti Regmi Adhikari (KUSOM); Rajib Pokhrel and my friends at the Rotary/Rotaract Metro; the students at Global College of Management, Tribhuvan University (Conflict, Peace and Development Studies); the participants in my seminars, workshops and conferences in Kathmandu; the many people who granted me interviews; and all the good-willed Nepalese who gave me their time and support so generously that I may understand their country better. For having opened the door of my heart to this wonderful country, my deepest gratitude goes to Chetna Bhandari.