Changing Shape


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Considering the factors which help shape millennial belief, Changing Shape reflects on the challenges and opportunities that ‘missing generation’ bring to the Church, and considers what lessons the Church can learn from the Millennial mindset.



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Changing Shape
The Faith Lives of Millennials
Dr Ruth H. Perrin© Ruth Perrin 2020
Published in 2020 by SCM Press
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Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) LtdContents
Introduction: Millennial Faith in Britain
Part 1 Setting the Scene – Being an Emerging Adult
1. Bucking the Trend: Emerging Adults Who Resist the Secularization Narrative
2. The Privilege and Pressure of Emerging Adulthood: Economics and Health
3. Relational Realities: Friends and Family
4. Relational Realities: Romance and Parenthood
Part 2 Changing Shape – How Emerging Adult Faith Develops
5. Emerging into Adult Faith: What Shapes Millennial Belief?
6. Losing Faith: ‘I Don’t Call Myself a Christian Anymore’
7. The Disenchanted
8. Reshaped Faith
9. What Now?
Bibliography and Further ReadingI would like to express my immense gratitude to all those who so generously shared their stories and
made this work possible. In addition, for their support and encouragement, I would like to thank Drs
Robert Song, Sarah Dunlop, Andy Byers, Mathew Guest, Pete Ward and Joss Bryan, as well as Chris
Juby, and David Shervington at SCM Press.
The project was made possible by support from the William Leech Research fund and St John’s
College, Dublin.
It is dedicated to Hollingworth Perrins.Introduction: Millennial Faith in Britain
Allow me to begin with an understatement: we are living in interesting times.
Most of us are somewhat bewildered by the events unfurling around us in twenty-first-century Britain.
As I write, the ‘Will it or won’t it happen?’ Brexit clock is ticking. By the time you read this we will have
more idea what that even means (or perhaps not!), but it is merely one among myriad ongoing changes.
For historians and social scientists, it is fascinating to watch the developments (most news bulletins
contain material for multiple doctoral theses!), but living through the current social, political and
economic changes is creating an atmosphere of uncertainty and anxiety; we are aware that none of us can
predict what the future is going to look like.
This is true also for the British Church. Five hundred years on from the Reformation and subsequent
creation of the Church of England, it is unclear what the future of Christianity in Britain will be. Those of
us concerned by that need to be like the ancient leaders ‘of Issachar, those who had understanding of the
times, to know what Israel ought to do’ (1 Chron. 12.32). This book is my humble attempt to help us
understand and answer one of the most pressing questions being asked in the wider British Church: Where
did the young people go?
Memory-less Millennials and the Anomaly of the Active Affirmer
Despite the vestiges of cultural Christianity that persist in the UK, few doubt that Britain is a
‘postChristian’ nation. Some argue that what has passed is the remnant of Victorian moralism, others that
Britain’s religious commitment has always been erratic. Either way, for the first time, secularism has
become the dominant reported worldview. In the 2013 national census, 51% of the population described
themselves as having no religion, including 70% of adults under 30. A 2014 Win/Gallup survey found the
UK to be one of the most irreligious countries in the world; church membership stood at 10% of the
population with attendance at 5%. This pattern is particularly acute among younger generations. In 20181
just 0.5% of 18–24 year olds were reported as attending Anglican congregations and the London Churches
Census identified 5.4% of 20–29 year olds attending church (the lowest of any demographic group).2
Given that London has a considerably higher Emerging Adult population and church attendance than the
wider UK, it is not unreasonable to estimate that merely 2–3% of those under 30 regularly attend church.
So what has happened to young adult faith?
For one thing, although Millennials are often referred to as the ‘missing generation’ within churches,
the absence of young people is not a new phenomenon: it has been creeping up on the Church for decades.
Peter Brierley shows clearly how that decline manifests with a particular downturn among those now in
their forties and fifties (known as Generation X). According to Linda Woodhead, ‘The massive cultural3
shift from Christian to non-religious Britain has come about largely because of children ceasing to follow
the religious commitments of their parents.’ This has occurred over decades, generation by generation
until today ‘Children brought up in Christian homes have a 45% chance of ending up as “Nones”, whereas
those brought up “no religion” have a 95% probability of retaining that identification.’ A slightly4
different pattern emerges among young Catholics, who make up 10% of those self-describing as religious
today. Mathew Guest argues that although ‘Roman Catholicism is the denomination least successful at5
retaining its younger members as regular church attendees once they are at university, most see this not as
a decline or abdication, but as a realistic moderation of perspective. They do not cease to be Catholic.
Their values might evolve, but their attachment to the religious tradition of their childhood is often an
enduring bond.’6 However, in 2006 Sara Savage et al. described most British teens as ‘memory-less’
when it came to even the basic tenets of Christianity. The generational chain that had passed on religious7
knowledge had been broken, and broader institutions no longer reinforced that worldview. Today, those
teens have grown up into the young adult Nones. This decline is the result of a century-long trend8
exacerbated by social changes since the 1960s. Millennials are not particularly irreligious (opposed to
religion), they are just the most recent of multiple generations of religious decline. Having been raised in
a neo-liberal, pluralistic society, most are not hostile to religious faith. Half have no contact at all with
religion, and many more simply have no interest. Woodhead describes them as ‘Maybe’s, Don’t Knows
and Doubters rather than Dawkins-esque atheists’.9
This makes depressing reading for those who care about Christian faith in Britain, particularly forthose from traditional denominations who are bearing the brunt of that decline. However, as Grace Davie
noted, religion in Britain is a persistent paradox; despite the predictions of secularization theory, it simply
isn’t going away. Certainly, popular attitudes have shifted away from religious obligation towards
religious consumption (people now opt in rather than opt out of belief), but she also argues that the
secularization of Europe is globally anomalous, and Peter Brierley observes that patterns of immigration
have significantly influenced both Christianity and other religions in Britain. In some (typically urban)10
parts of the country, large churches full of the young are thriving.11 Evidently, there continue to be British
young adults who buck the statistical trend, and the evidence is that those who have opted-in to Christian
belief (or continued to follow the religion of their upbringing) are typically devout. Faith is central to
their identity. Davie again summarizes, ‘Fewer people are now religious but those who are take their
religious lives more seriously.’ During research into Christian faith in universities, Guest et al. labelled
this group ‘Active Affirmers’.12 This book is about their faith journeys.
Rationale for this Research
Countless books (blogs, vlogs and articles) exist on Millennials; apparently almost everyone has an
opinion on them. Frequently people take delight in telling me their horror stories of unreliable, entitled,
self-absorbed behaviour from young people. But that is not my experience. My interest in Millennial
Active Affirmers is rooted in 20 years of Christian ministry. In that time, I have been privileged to work
with hundreds in both church and para-church settings and have observed their ongoing faith journeys with
interest. Some have continued into adulthood with their Christian faith and religious identity firmly intact
and are pillars of their church congregations. Inspired by their beliefs, others have made radical choices
and sacrifices or have found ways to sustain a religious identity through very dark times. On the other
hand, there are those whose faith has faltered or waned, and those who have intentionally renounced what
was once so important to them. In truth, when they were 20 years old, I could not have guessed the
direction their faith would take.
Of course, there is nothing new in enthusiastic young devotees modifying their beliefs, but at a time
when church attendance is at an all-time low and faith groups are increasingly aware of their minority
status, it is urgent that we understand the experiences, beliefs and faith journeys of young Active
It is also worth noting briefly that both academic and Church attention is already shifting away from
Millennials and towards the younger Generation Z, currently in their teens and early twenties. I am
fascinated by Gen Z – they tend towards being independent, feisty and often curious about religious faith
(knowing almost nothing about it). Nonetheless, my ministry and research interests are with how
Millennials have and are emerging into adulthood – something that may well shed light on those following
behind them too.
I anticipate that some readers of this book may be motivated by academic or research interests.
Minorities are always fascinating and although there has been considerable investigation into the religious
beliefs of Millennials in the West (including some in Britain), there has been limited exploration of the
process of their faith development. In the United States, Christian Smith undertook a large-scale,
longterm project into faith change from teens into very young adulthood, but I am unaware of any studies of
Millennial faith development in the UK. I hope that this will function as a springboard for subsequent13
I also suspect that many of those picking this up are pastorally motivated; concerned about the faith of
their own or younger generations and the state of the British Church more widely. I sit in the intersection
of these groups – a qualitative researcher whose questions are rooted in ministerial praxis. Being an
‘insider-researcher’ has the advantage of being able to recruit, understand and identify with research
participants. However, that familiarity also creates the potential to miss important trends or to lack
objectivity. Obviously, I have endeavoured to be objective, but having invested most of my adult life in
the Millennial generation, their faith matters to me. I found myself deeply moved and disturbed by what I
was told numerous times during the research that underpins this book.
That research project was qualitative in nature. Understanding statistics and overall trends is helpful in
painting a broad picture of the state of Millennial faith, but also has limits. Religious belief is personal,
complex and multifaceted; no two faith journeys are the same. My aim in writing this, then, is not to be
predictive, nor are these findings universal, claiming to describe the experiences of all Active Affirmers.
Qualitative research is not about percentages and predictions. It asks the ‘Why?’ questions, listenscarefully and endeavours to make sense of individual journeys. Nevertheless, the patterns that are
identified might be helpful in indicating wider trends and answering those central questions about why
Christian faith flourishes or declines during early adulthood.
The data on which this book is based was gathered from a sample of Millennials in North East
England during 2016/17. However, 80% had spent at least part of their twenties living elsewhere, and
feedback from speaking engagements across the country has convinced me that these findings illustrate
experiences many British Emerging Adults identify with. I have lost count of the number who have told
me, ‘You just described my life!’ I hope therefore that this book will be helpful for the wider Church and
those interested in identity and faith formation among the young more widely.
The Research Project
Measuring faith is a challenging thing and people adopt different tools to do so. In order to understand
how and why their faith had changed I decided to conduct interviews. Forty-seven individuals aged 29–37
who had been Active Affirmers in their early twenties took part. Most were recruited with the help of
church leaders or by snowball sampling and personal contacts. Unfortunately, I was unable to recruit any
young Catholics but 23 Protestant congregations from varying traditions were represented, plus 16
individuals who described themselves as ex-Christian or were de-churched.14
In terms of demographic make-up, participants were 46% male, 54% female. Six international
individuals were included as representative of the diversity within the British Church. Three were
Nigerian, one American and two Eastern European. Participants represented a broad relational spectrum
(although none told me they were LGBTQi+ and all were cis gendered). Half were married with children
and a quarter single, but there were also married non-parents, divorcees and those in long-term or
cohabiting relationships. Although 45 of the 47 had a degree or postgraduate qualification, their
socioeconomic background was more diverse than that might indicate. Several were the first in their family to
attend university and had lived at home, working in order to fund their studies at local universities. Others
had gained degrees later in their twenties after starting a family or beginning a career.
After providing background information on their religious upbringing, participants gave a
retrospective account of their twenties, with minimal prompting so I could hear what was important to
them rather than make assumptions.15
Clearly there are methodological limitations to retrospective interviews: how far people can
accurately remember what they believed a decade or more ago; how far they understand their faith now,
and the transitions it has undergone. Similarly, what they chose to include or exclude in the account they
give, or how far they misremember, exaggerate, or reinterpret events to present themselves in a positive
light. Ultimately, I was surprised and humbled by how open and candid most were in sharing highly
personal information – including reflections on their mistakes and regrets. Some commented that taking
part had felt like a form of therapy or allowed them to see patterns they had never previously identified in
their faith journey. Many became emotional while reflecting. Despite the methodological limitations,
careful listening and analysis of an individual’s account is a valuable way to begin to understand their
faith journey, and doing so for nearly 50 Emerging Adults provided a large amount of fascinating and rich
data. All participants, congregations and locations have been anonymized and given pseudonyms.
I am enormously grateful to all those who took part.
The Structure of this Book
In the light of my interests and background this book is structured somewhat unusually. Each chapter
contains a mixture of scholarly theory and reflections on British Millennial life supported by research
findings. However, they also contain ministerial reflections and questions to facilitate reflection and
discussion. My hope is that members of different generations in diverse contexts might read and consider
the findings together. At this point in its history the British Church needs to engage in mutual listening and
learning and I hope that this book might stimulate that.
The book is in three parts.
Part 1: Setting the Scene – Being an Emerging Adult paints a picture of life for Christian Millennials
and introduces some key theories. Chapter 1 considers those Active Affirmers who buck the secularizing
trend and some of the cultural patterns that have shaped their religious faith. Based on the accounts of theparticipants, Chapters 2—4 explore both the privileges and pressures of Active Affirmer life. Chapter 2
considers their experiences of coming to adulthood in a decade of austerity, their economic realities and
health; Chapter 3 describes the relational realities around friends and family; and Chapter 4 looks at
romance and parenthood.
Part 2: Changing Shape – How Emerging Adult Faith Develops focuses more closely on faith
development. Chapter 5 examines how far Millennials do and don’t match earlier faith development
theories and considers some key factors in conversion and faith formation. Chapter 6 considers the
journey to apostasy that some experience. Chapter 7 looks at the experiences of those who retain a
Christian faith while rejecting church, and Chapter 8 examines the journeys and patterns of those who
continue to be churchgoing Active Affirmers in their thirties.
The concluding Chapter 9 considers not only how the British Church might respond to Emerging
Adulthood, but also what it might learn from younger generations in promoting authentic Christian faith in
the twenty-first century. It includes participant responses to the question ‘What would you like me to tell
church leaders on your behalf?’
N o t e s
1 ‘Christianity in the UK’, Faith Survey, (accessed
2 ‘“Not As Difficult As You Think”: Mission with Young Adults’, Church Army, (accessed 06.09.19).
3 Peter Brierley, UK Church Statistics No. 3: 2018 Edition (London: Brierley Consultancy, 2018).
4 Linda Woodhead, ‘The Rise of “No Religion” in Britain: The Emergence of a New Cultural Majority’,
Journal of the British Academy, 2016 (4), 245–61.
5 Stephen Bullivant, Europe’s Young Adults and Religion: Report 2018 (St Mary’s University, London,
2018). Available from (accessed 06.09.19).
6 Mathew Guest, ‘University Challenge’, The Tablet (28.09.13), 10–11.
7 Sara Savage et al., Making Sense of Generation Y (London: Church House Publishing, 2006).
8 10% identify as Catholic, 11% Protestant/other Christian, 6% Muslim and 3% other religion.
Bullivant, Europe’s Young Adults and Religion.
9 Woodhead, ‘The Rise of “No Religion” in Britain’, pp. 245–61.
10 Grace Davie, Religion in Britain: A Persistent Paradox (London: John Wiley & Sons, 2014).
11 Peter Brierley, Pulling out of the Nose Dive (London: Christian Research, 2006).
12 Mathew Guest et al., Christianity and the University Experience: Understanding Student Faith
(London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013).
13 Christian Smith, Souls in Transition: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of Emerging Adults
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).
14 25% Anglican, 21% Charismatic New Church, 15% Baptist, 8% Fresh Expression, 6% Black
Majority Pentecostal, 4% Methodist.
15 Participants completed an online questionnaire providing background information about their
religious upbringing and faith aged 20. Then, in interviews ranging from 45 minutes to two-and-a-half
hours, they gave a retrospective account of their twenties, marking key events on a visual aid. They were
invited to share as much or little as they felt was significant with minimal prompting – just a few
concluding questions. I wanted to understand what they thought was significant, not impose my own
assumptions. The interviews were recorded, transcribed and analysed using NVIVO software. Obviously,
they and any congregations or locations referenced have been anonymized.Part 1: Setting the Scene: Being an Emerging Adult1. Bucking the Trend: Emerging Adults Who Resist the Secularization
As already established, there are those among the Millennial generation who have bucked the national
secularizing trend and either continue to follow their family’s faith or have converted to Christianity. The
challenges and benefits of being part of that religious minority will be explored more fully in due course, but
(particularly for those from older generations) it is helpful to understand what influences Millennial values more
widely and consider how that shapes the ways in which they express Christian faith. Before doing so, though,
two key terms need explaining: ‘Millennial’ and ‘Emerging Adulthood’.
Who Are the Millennials?
The term ‘Millennial’ is widely (and often wrongly) used in popular culture. Naming generations began with the
work of Karl Mannheim in 1928. Popularized in 1950s America, it describes ‘A unique type of social location
based on the dynamic interplay between being born in a particular year with the socio-political events that occur
throughout the life course of the birth cohort, particularly when the cohort comes of age.’1 It can be summarized
as ‘Groups of people who travel together through time and share a unique perspective that shapes their cultural
understanding and civic roles.’ In other words, people born at the same time, experiencing similar events in2
their formative years are likely to understand and respond to the world in a similar way.
This theory has proved popular as a way of distinguishing between groups born within a certain time span.
Broadly accepted descriptions are:
‘Baby Boomers’ (the large cohort born from the end of the Second World War to 1960).
‘Generation X’ (named in Douglas Copeland’s 1991 novel, born between 1961 and 1980).
‘Generation Y’ or ‘Millennials’ (following Generation X, born from 1981 until near the millennium – around
‘Generation Z’ (those born from 1995, now approaching early adulthood and becoming known as the ‘I-Gen’
(Internet Generation).
Criticisms of Generation Theory are legitimate. To anticipate that all individuals born within a 20-year window
will have the same experiences and responses is unrealistic; particularly given the increasing speed of cultural
changes in the West. Cultural shifts are more gradual and continuous than specific cut-off dates permit for.
(Indeed, ‘Xennial’ has been coined for those at the Gen X/Millennial crossover.) It is obvious that myriad
social, personal, economic and cultural factors influence perspective and behaviour. Added to this, ‘Millennial’
is often used as a ubiquitous term for anyone young. I am regularly asked to address ministerial concerns around
Millennial students and young people. Current undergraduates are barely Millennial and young people are most
definitely not! However, despite these (and other) limitations, Generation Theory can be helpful shorthand for
understanding those shaped by broad cultural trends that cause cross-generational tensions. Conflicts between
Baby Boomers and Millennials are well documented by the press on both sides of the Atlantic. Voting patterns
in the British European Referendum (the Brexit vote), the subsequent British general election and 2016
American Presidential campaign well illustrate these. The prospects of those coming to adulthood in a decade
of financial austerity, projected to be the first to have a lower quality of life than their parents, contrasts with
elders who benefitted from post-war social and structural transformation. Where Millennials are stereotyped
and castigated as the entitled ‘Generation Snowflake’, heading off on another gap year to take endless selfies, so
Boomers are presented as (and resented for) going on retirement cruises, having benefitted from free education,
cheap housing and financial security.
Clearly these images (whatever their level of accuracy) represent privileged groups and, in truth, most
scholarly research undertaken into Millennials focuses on middle-class, educated groups. In the North East we
recognize that there are large numbers of young adults for whom the idea of a gap year is an impossibility and
that much of what is described in this and other research hardly reflects their experience. There is much to do in
order to understand the lives and faith of non-privileged young adults. Nonetheless, recognizing the limitations
but acknowledging widespread academic and popular use, I will use the term ‘Millennial’ to describe those
born between the early 1980s and mid-1990s – including my research participants.
What Is Emerging Adulthood?
A second important definition is that of ‘Emerging Adult’. This theory will be unpacked more fully in Chapter 2
but was proposed by the American developmental psychologist Jeffrey Jensen Arnett in 2000.3 He argued that