State of the Union Address
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State of the Union Address


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The Project Gutenberg EBook of State of the Union Addresses by Richard Nixon (#34 in our series of US PresidentialState of the Union Addresses)Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the copyright laws for your country before downloadingor redistributing this or any other Project Gutenberg eBook.This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project Gutenberg file. Please do not remove it. Do notchange or edit the header without written permission.Please read the "legal small print," and other information about the eBook and Project Gutenberg at the bottom of thisfile. Included is important information about your specific rights and restrictions in how the file may be used. You can alsofind out about how to make a donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved.**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts****eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971*******These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!*****Title: State of the Union Addresses of Richard NixonAuthor: Richard NixonRelease Date: February, 2004 [EBook #5043] [Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] [This file was firstposted on April 11, 2002] [Date last updated: December 16, 2004]Edition: 11Language: English*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF ADDRESSES BY RICHARD NIXON ***This eBook was produced by James Linden.The addresses are separated by three asterisks: ***Dates of addresses by ...



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The Project Gutenberg EBook of State of theUnion Addresses by Richard Nixon (#34 in ourseries of US Presidential State of the UnionAddresses)Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Besure to check the copyright laws for your countrybefore downloading or redistributing this or anyother Project Gutenberg eBook.This header should be the first thing seen whenviewing this Project Gutenberg file. Please do notremove it. Do not change or edit the headerwithout written permission.Please read the "legal small print," and otherinformation about the eBook and ProjectGutenberg at the bottom of this file. Included isimportant information about your specific rights andrestrictions in how the file may be used. You canalso find out about how to make a donation toProject Gutenberg, and how to get involved.**Welcome To The World of Free Plain VanillaElectronic Texts****eBooks Readable By Both Humans and ByComputers, Since 1971*******These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousandsof Volunteers!*****
Title: State of the Union Addresses of RichardNixonAuthor: Richard NixonRelease Date: February, 2004 [EBook #5043][Yes, we are more than one year ahead ofschedule] [This file was first posted on April 11,2002] [Date last updated: December 16, 2004]Edition: 11Language: English*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERGEBOOK OF ADDRESSES BY RICHARD NIXON***This eBook was produced by James Linden.The addresses are separated by three asterisks:***Dates of addresses by Richard Nixon in this eBook:January 22, 1970 January 22, 1971 January 20,1972 February 2, 1973 January 30, 1974***State of the Union Address
Richard NixonJanuary 22, 1970Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in theCongress, our distinguished guests and my fellowAmericans:To address a joint session of the Congress in thisgreat Chamber in which I was once privileged toserve is an honor for which I am deeply grateful.The State of the Union Address is traditionally anoccasion for a lengthy and detailed account by thePresident of what he has accomplished in the past,what he wants the Congress to do in the future,and, in an election year, to lay the basis for thepolitical issues which might be decisive in the fall.Occasionally there comes a time when profoundand far-reaching events command a break withtradition. This is such a time.I say this not only because 1970 marks thebeginning of a new decade in which America willcelebrate its 200th birthday. I say it because newknowledge and hard experience argue persuasivelythat both our programs and our institutions inAmerica need to be reformed.The moment has arrived to harness the vastenergies and abundance of this land to the creationof a new American experience, an experiencericher and deeper and more truly a reflection of thegoodness and grace of the human spirit.
The seventies will be a time of new beginnings, atime of exploring both on the earth and in theheavens, a time of discovery. But the time has alsocome for emphasis on developing better ways ofmanaging what we have and of completing whatman's genius has begun but left unfinished.Our land, this land that is ours together, is a greatand a good land. It is also an unfinished land, andthe challenge of perfecting it is the summons of theseventies.It is in that spirit that I address myself to thosegreat issues facing ourNation which are above partisanship.When we speak of America's priorities the firstpriority must always be peace for America and theworld.The major immediate goal of our foreign policy is tobring an end to the war in Vietnam in a way thatour generation will be remembered not so much asthe generation that suffered in war, but more forthe fact that we had the courage and character towin the kind of a just peace that the nextgeneration was able to keep.We are making progress toward that goal.The prospects for peace are far greater today thanthey were a year ago.A major part of the credit for this developmentgoes to the Members of this Congress who,
despite their differences on the conduct of the war,have overwhelmingly indicated their support of ajust peace. By this action, you have completelydemolished the enemy's hopes that they can gainin Washington the victory our fighting men havedenied them in Vietnam.No goal could be greater than to make the nextgeneration the first in this century in which Americawas at peace with every nation in the world.I shall discuss in detail the new concepts andprograms designed to achieve this goal in aseparate report on foreign policy, which I shallsubmit to the Congress at a later date.Today, let me describe the directions of our newpolicies.We have based our policies on an evaluation of theworld as it is, not as it was 25 years ago at theconclusion of World War II. Many of the policieswhich were necessary and right then are obsoletetoday.Then, because of America's overwhelming militaryand economic strength, because of the weaknessof other major free world powers and the inability ofscores of newly independent nations to defend, oreven govern, themselves, America had to assumethe major burden for the defense of freedom in theworld.In two wars, first in Korea and now in Vietnam, wefurnished most of the money, most of the arms,
most of the men to help other nations defend theirfreedom.Today the great industrial nations of Europe, aswell as Japan, have regained their economicstrength; and the nations of Latin America—andmany of the nations who acquired their freedomfrom colonialism after World War II in Asia andAfrica—have a new sense of pride and dignity anda determination to assume the responsibility fortheir own defense.That is the basis of the doctrine I announced atGuam.Neither the defense nor the development of othernations can be exclusively or primarily an Americanundertaking.The nations of each part of the world shouldassume the primary responsibility for their ownwell-being; and they themselves should determinethe terms of that well-being.We shall be faithful to our treaty commitments, butwe shall reduce our involvement and our presencein other nations' affairs.To insist that other nations play a role is not aretreat from responsibility; it is a sharing ofresponsibility.The result of this new policy has been not toweaken our alliances, but to give them new life,new strength, a new sense of common purpose.
Relations with our European allies are once againstrong and healthy, based on mutual consultationand mutual responsibility.We have initiated a new approach to Latin Americain which we deal with those nations as partnersrather than patrons.The new partnership concept has been welcomedin Asia. We have developed an historic new basisfor Japanese-American friendship and cooperation,which is the linchpin for peace in the Pacific.If we are to have peace in the last third of thecentury, a major factor will be the development of anew relationship between the United States andthe Soviet Union.I would not underestimate our differences, but weare moving with precision and purpose from an eraof confrontation to an era of negotiation.Our negotiations on strategic arms limitations andin other areas will have far greater chance forsuccess if both sides enter them motivated bymutual self-interest rather than naivesentimentality.It is with this same spirit that we have resumeddiscussions with CommunistChina in our talks at Warsaw.Our concern in our relations with both thesenations is to avoid a catastrophic collision and to
build a solid basis for peaceful settlement of ourdifferences.I would be the last to suggest that the road topeace is not difficult and dangerous, but I believeour new policies have contributed to the prospectthat America may have the best chance sinceWorld War II to enjoy a generation of uninterruptedpeace. And that chance will be enormouslyincreased if we continue to have a relationshipbetween Congress and the Executive in which,despite differences in detail, where the security ofAmerica and the peace of mankind are concerned,we act not as Republicans, not as Democrats, butas Americans.As we move into the decade of the seventies, wehave the greatest opportunity for progress at homeof any people in world history.Our gross national product will increase by $500billion in the next 10 years. This increase alone isgreater than the entire growth of the Americaneconomy from 1790 to 1950.The critical question is not whether we will grow,but how we will use that growth.The decade of the sixties was also a period ofgreat growth economically. But in that same 10-year period we witnessed the greatest growth ofcrime, the greatest increase in inflation, thegreatest social unrest in America in 100 years.Never has a nation seemed to have had more andenjoyed it less.
enjoyed it less.At heart, the issue is the effectiveness ofgovernment.Ours has become—as it continues to be, andshould remain—a society of large expectations.Government helped to generate theseexpectations. It undertook to meet them. Yet,increasingly, it proved unable to do so.As a people, we had too many visions—and toolittle vision.Now, as we enter the seventies, we should enteralso a great age of reform of the institutions ofAmerican government.Our purpose in this period should not be simplybetter management of the programs of the past.The time has come for a new quest—a quest notfor a greater quantity of what we have, but for anew quality of life in America.A major part of the substance for anunprecedented advance in this Nation's approachto its problems and opportunities is contained inmore than two score legislative proposals which Isent to the Congress last year and which still awaitenactment.I will offer at least a dozen more major programs inthe course of this session.At this point I do not intend to go through a detailedlisting of what I have proposed or will propose, but
I would like to mention three areas in which urgentpriorities demand that we move and move now:First, we cannot delay longer in accomplishing atotal reform of our welfare system. When a systempenalizes work, breaks up homes, robs recipientsof dignity, there is no alternative to abolishing thatsystem and adopting in its place the program ofincome support, job training, and work incentiveswhich I recommended to the Congress last year.Second, the time has come to assess and reformall of our institutions of government at the Federal,State, and local level. It is time for a NewFederalism, in which, after 190 years of powerflowing from the people and local and Stategovernments to Washington, D.C., it will begin toflow from Washington back to the States and tothe people of the United States.Third, we must adopt reforms which will expand therange of opportunities for all Americans. We canfulfill the American dream only when each personhas a fair chance to fulfill his own dreams. Thismeans equal voting rights, equal employmentopportunity, and new opportunities for expandedownership. Because in order to be secure in theirhuman rights, people need access to propertyrights.I could give similar examples of the need forreform in our programs for health, education,housing, transportation, as well as other criticalareas which directly affect the well-being of millions